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upon it。
If you will read the copyright essay； you will discover that judge
Douglas himself says a controversy between the American Colonies and
the Government of Great Britain began on the slavery question in
1699； and continued from that time until the Revolution； and； while
he did not say so； we all know that it has continued with more or
less violence ever since the Revolution。
Then we need not appeal to history； to the declarations of the
framers of the government； but we know from judge Douglas himself
that slavery began to be an element of discord among the white people
of this country as far back as 1699； or one hundred and sixty years
ago； or five generations of men；counting thirty years to a
generation。 Now； it would seem to me that it might have occurred to
Judge Douglas； or anybody who had turned his attention to these
facts； that there was something in the nature of that thing； slavery；
somewhat durable for mischief and discord。
There is another point I desire to make in regard to this matter；
before I leave it。 From the adoption of the Constitution down to 1820
is the precise period of our history when we had comparative peace
upon this question；the precise period of time when we came nearer
to having peace about it than any other time of that entire one
hundred and sixty years in which he says it began； or of the eighty
years of our own Constitution。 Then it would be worth our while to
stop and examine into the probable reason of our coming nearer to
having peace then than at any other time。 This was the precise
period of time in which our fathers adopted； and during which they
followed； a policy restricting the spread of slavery； and the whole
Union was acquiescing in it。 The whole country looked forward to the
ultimate extinction of the institution。 It was when a policy had
been adopted； and was prevailing； which led all just and right…minded
men to suppose that slavery was gradually coming to an end； and that
they might be quiet about it； watching it as it expired。 I think
Judge Douglas might have perceived that too； and whether he did or
not； it is worth the attention of fair…minded men； here and
elsewhere； to consider whether that is not the truth of the case。 If
he had looked at these two facts；that this matter has been an
element of discord for one hundred and sixty years among this people；
and that the only comparative peace we have had about it was when
that policy prevailed in this government which he now wars upon； he
might then； perhaps； have been brought to a more just appreciation of
what I said fifteen months ago；that 〃a house divided against itself
cannot stand。 I believe that this government cannot endure
permanently； half slave and half free。 I do not expect the house to
fall； I do not expect the Union to dissolve； but I do expect it will
cease to be divided。 It will become all one thing； or all the other。
Either the opponents of slavery will arrest the further spread of it；
and place it where the public mind will rest in the belief that it is
in the course of ultimate extinction； or its advocates will push it
forward until it shall become alike lawful in all the States； old as
well as new； North as well as South。〃 That was my sentiment at that
time。 In connection with it； I said： 〃We are now far into the fifth
year since a policy was inaugurated with the avowed object and
confident promise of putting an end to slavery agitation。 Under the
operation of the policy that agitation has not only not ceased； but
has constantly augmented。〃 I now say to you here that we are
advanced still farther into the sixth year since that policy of Judge
Douglasthat popular sovereignty of hisfor quieting the slavery
question was made the national policy。 Fifteen months more have been
added since I uttered that sentiment； and I call upon you and all
other right…minded men to say whether that fifteen months have belied
or corroborated my words。
While I am here upon this subject； I cannot but express gratitude
that this true view of this element of discord among usas I believe
it isis attracting more and more attention。 I do not believe that
Governor Seward uttered that sentiment because I had done so before；
but because he reflected upon this subject and saw the truth of it。
Nor do I believe because Governor Seward or I uttered it that Mr。
Hickman of Pennsylvania； in； different language； since that time； has
declared his belief in the utter antagonism which exists between the
principles of liberty and slavery。 You see we are multiplying。 Now；
while I am speaking of Hickman； let me say； I know but little about
him。 I have never seen him； and know scarcely anything about the
man； but I will say this much of him： Of all the anti…Lecompton
Democracy that have been brought to my notice； he alone has the true；
genuine ring of the metal。 And now； without indorsing anything else
he has said； I will ask this audience to give three cheers for
Hickman。 ＇The audience responded with three rousing cheers for
Hickman。＇
Another point in the copyright essay to which I would ask your
attention is rather a feature to be extracted from the whole thing；
than from any express declaration of it at any point。 It is a
general feature of that document； and； indeed； of all of Judge
Douglas's discussions of this question； that the Territories of the
United States and the States of this Union are exactly alike； that
there is no difference between them at all； that the Constitution
applies to the Territories precisely as it does to the States； and
that the United States Government； under the Constitution； may not do
in a State what it may not do in a Territory； and what it must do in
a State it must do in a Territory。 Gentlemen； is that a true view of
the case？ It is necessary for this squatter sovereignty； but is it
true？
Let us consider。 What does it depend upon？ It depends altogether
upon the proposition that the States must； without the interference
of the General Government； do all those things that pertain
exclusively to themselves；that are local in their nature； that have
no connection with the General Government。 After Judge Douglas has
established this proposition； which nobody disputes or ever has
disputed； he proceeds to assume； without proving it； that slavery is
one of those little； unimportant； trivial matters which are of just
about as much consequence as the question would be to me whether my
neighbor should raise horned cattle or plant tobacco； that there is
no moral question about it； but that it is altogether a matter of
dollars and cents； that when a new Territory is opened for
settlement； the first man who goes into it may plant there a thing
which； like the Canada thistle or some other of those pests of the
soil； cannot be dug out by the millions of men who will come
thereafter； that it is one of those little things that is so trivial
in its nature that it has no