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Now； I have only a few comments to make。 Popular sovereignty； by his
own words； does not pertain to the few persons who wander upon the
public domain in violation of law。 We have his words for that。 When
it does pertain to them； is when they are sufficient to be formed
into an organized political community； and he fixes the minimum for
that at ten thousand； and the maximum at twenty thousand。 Now； I
would like to know what is to be done with the nine thousand？ Are
they all to be treated； until they are large enough to be organized
into a political community； as wanderers upon the public land； in
violation of law？ And if so treated and driven out； at what point of
time would there ever be ten thousand？ If they were not driven out；
but remained there as trespassers upon the public land in violation
of the law； can they establish slavery there？ No； the judge says
popular sovereignty don't pertain to them then。 Can they exclude it
then？ No； popular sovereignty don't pertain to them then。 I would
like to know； in the case covered by the essay； what condition the
people of the Territory are in before they reach the number of ten
thousand？
But the main point I wish to ask attention to is； that the question
as to when they shall have reached a sufficient number to be formed
into a regular organized community is to be decided 〃by Congress。〃
Judge Douglas says so。 Well； gentlemen； that is about all we want。
No； that is all the Southerners want。 That is what all those who are
for slavery want。 They do not want Congress to prohibit slavery from
coming into the new Territories； and they do not want popular
sovereignty to hinder it； and as Congress is to say when they are
ready to be organized； all that the South has to do is to get
Congress to hold off。 Let Congress hold off until they are ready to
be admitted as a State； and the South has all it wants in taking
slavery into and planting it in all the Territories that we now have
or hereafter may have。 In a word； the whole thing； at a dash of the
pen； is at last put in the power of Congress； for if they do not have
this popular sovereignty until Congress organizes them； I ask if it
at last does not come from Congress？ If； at last； it amounts to
anything at all； Congress gives it to them。 I submit this rather for
your reflection than for comment。 After all that is said； at last；
by a dash of the pen； everything that has gone before is undone； and
he puts the whole question under the control of Congress。 After
fighting through more than three hours； if you undertake to read it；
he at last places the whole matter under the control of that power
which he has been contending against； and arrives at a result
directly contrary to what he had been laboring to do。 He at last
leaves the whole matter to the control of Congress。
There are two main objects； as I understand it； of this Harper's
Magazine essay。 One was to show； if possible； that the men of our
Revolutionary times were in favor of his popular sovereignty； and the
other was to show that the Dred Scott decision had not entirely
squelched out this popular sovereignty。 I do not propose； in regard
to this argument drawn from the history of former times； to enter
into a detailed examination of the historical statements he has made。
I have the impression that they are inaccurate in a great many
instances；sometimes in positive statement； but very much more
inaccurate by the suppression of statements that really belong to the
history。 But I do not propose to affirm that this is so to any very
great extent； or to enter into a very minute examination of his
historical statements。 I avoid doing so upon this principle；that
if it were important for me to pass out of this lot in the least
period of time possible； and I came to that fence； and saw by a
calculation of my known strength and agility that I could clear it at
a bound； it would be folly for me to stop and consider whether I
could or not crawl through a crack。 So I say of the whole history
contained in his essay where he endeavored to link the men of the
Revolution to popular sovereignty。 It only requires an effort to
leap out of it； a single bound to be entirely successful。 If you
read it over； you will find that he quotes here and there from
documents of the Revolutionary times； tending to show that the people
of the colonies were desirous of regulating their own concerns in
their own way； that the British Government should not interfere； that
at one time they struggled with the British Government to be
permitted to exclude the African slave trade；if not directly； to be
permitted to exclude it indirectly； by taxation sufficient to
discourage and destroy it。 From these and many things of this sort；
judge Douglas argues that they were in favor of the people of our own
Territories excluding slavery if they wanted to； or planting it there
if they wanted to； doing just as they pleased from the time they
settled upon the Territory。 Now； however his history may apply and
whatever of his argument there may be that is sound and accurate or
unsound and inaccurate； if we can find out what these men did
themselves do upon this very question of slavery in the Territories；
does it not end the whole thing？ If； after all this labor and effort
to show that the men of the Revolution were in favor of his popular
sovereignty and his mode of dealing with slavery in the Territories；
we can show that these very men took hold of that subject； and dealt
with it； we can see for ourselves how they dealt with it。 It is not
a matter of argument or inference； but we know what they thought
about it。
It is precisely upon that part of the history of the country that one
important omission is made by Judge Douglas。 He selects parts of the
history of the United States upon the subject of slavery； and treats
it as the whole； omitting from his historical sketch the legislation
of Congress in regard to the admission of Missouri； by which the
Missouri Compromise was established and slavery excluded from a
country half as large as the present United States。 All this is left
out of his history； and in nowise alluded to by him； so far as I can
remember； save once； when he makes a remark； that upon his principle
the Supreme Court were authorized to pronounce a decision that the
act called the Missouri Compromise was unconstitutional。 All that
history has been left out。 But this part of the history of the
country was not made by the men of the Revolution。
There was another part of our political history； made by the very men
who were the actors in the Revolution； which has taken the name of
the Ordinance of '87。 Let me bring that history to your attention。
In 1784； I believe； this same Mr。 Jefferson drew up an ordinance for
the government of the country upon which we now stand； or； rather； a
frame or draft of an ordinance for the government of this country；
here in Ohio； our