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wrong； for a man may say when he sees nothing wrong in a thing； that
he； dues not care whether it be voted up or voted down but no man can
logically say that he cares not whether a thing goes up or goes down
which to him appears to be wrong。 You therefore have a demonstration
in this that to Judge Douglas's mind your favorite institution； which
you would have spread out and made perpetual； is no wrong。
Another thing he tells you； in a speech made at Memphis in Tennessee；
shortly after the canvass in Illinois； last year。 He there
distinctly told the people that there was a 〃line drawn by the
Almighty across this continent； on the one side of which the soil
must always be cultivated by slaves〃； that he did not pretend to know
exactly where that line was； but that there was such a line。 I want
to ask your attention to that proposition again； that there is one
portion of this continent where the Almighty has signed the soil
shall always be cultivated by slaves； that its being cultivated by
slaves at that place is right； that it has the direct sympathy and
authority of the Almighty。 Whenever you can get these Northern
audiences to adopt the opinion that slavery is right on the other
side of the Ohio； whenever you can get them； in pursuance of
Douglas's views； to adopt that sentiment； they will very readily make
the other argument； which is perfectly logical； that that which is
right on that side of the Ohio cannot be wrong on this； and that if
you have that property on that side of the Ohio； under the seal and
stamp of the Almighty； when by any means it escapes over here it is
wrong to have constitutions and laws 〃to devil〃 you about it。 So
Douglas is moulding the public opinion of the North； first to say
that the thing is right in your State over the Ohio River； and hence
to say that that which is right there is not wrong here； and that all
laws and constitutions here recognizing it as being wrong are
themselves wrong； and ought to be repealed and abrogated。 He will
tell you； men of Ohio； that if you choose here to have laws against
slavery； it is in conformity to the idea that your climate is not
suited to it； that your climate is not suited to slave labor； and
therefore you have constitutions and laws against it。
Let us attend to that argument for a little while and see if it be
sound。 You do not raise sugar…cane （except the new…fashioned
sugar…cane； and you won't raise that long）； but they do raise it in
Louisiana。 You don't raise it in Ohio； because you can't raise it
profitably； because the climate don't suit it。 They do raise it in
Louisiana； because there it is profitable。 Now； Douglas will tell
you that is precisely the slavery question： that they do have slaves
there because they are profitable； and you don't have them here
because they are not profitable。 If that is so； then it leads to
dealing with the one precisely as with the other。 Is there； then；
anything in the constitution or laws of Ohio against raising
sugar…cane？ Have you found it necessary to put any such provision in
your law？ Surely not！ No man desires to raise sugar…cane in Ohio；
but if any man did desire to do so； you would say it was a tyrannical
law that forbids his doing so； and whenever you shall agree with
Douglas； whenever your minds are brought to adopt his argument； as
surely you will have reached the conclusion that although it is not
profitable in Ohio； if any man wants it； is wrong to him not to let
him have it。
In this matter Judge Douglas is preparing the public mind for you of
Kentucky to make perpetual that good thing in your estimation； about
which you and I differ。
In this connection； let me ask your attention to another thing。 I
believe it is safe to assert that five years ago no living man had
expressed the opinion that the negro had no share in the Declaration
of Independence。 Let me state that again： five years ago no living
man had expressed the opinion that the negro had no share in the
Declaration of Independence。 If there is in this large audience any
man who ever knew of that opinion being put upon paper as much as
five years ago； I will be obliged to him now or at a subsequent time
to show it。
If that be true I wish you then to note the next fact： that within
the space of five years Senator Douglas； in the argument of this
question； has got his entire party； so far as I know； without
exception； in saying that the negro has no share in the Declaration
of Independence。 If there be now in all these United States one
Douglas man that does not say this； I have been unable upon any
occasion to scare him up。 Now； if none of you said this five years
ago； and all of you say it now； that is a matter that you Kentuckians
ought to note。 That is a vast change in the Northern public
sentiment upon that question。
Of what tendency is that change？ The tendency of that change is to
bring the public mind to the conclusion that when men are spoken of；
the negro is not meant； that when negroes are spoken of； brutes alone
are contemplated。 That change in public sentiment has already
degraded the black man in the estimation of Douglas and his followers
from the condition of a man of some sort； and assigned him to the
condition of a brute。 Now； you Kentuckians ought to give Douglas
credit for this。 That is the largest possible stride that can be
made in regard to the perpetuation of your thing of slavery。
A voice： Speak to Ohio men； and not to Kentuckians！
Mr。 LINCOLN： I beg permission to speak as I please。
In Kentucky perhaps； in many of the slave States certainly； you are
trying to establish the rightfulness of slavery by reference to the
Bible。 You are trying to show that slavery existed in the Bible
times by divine ordinance。 Now； Douglas is wiser than you； for your
own benefit； upon that subject。 Douglas knows that whenever you
establish that slavery wasright by the Bible； it will occur that
that slavery was the slavery of the white man； of men without
reference to color； and he knows very well that you may entertain
that idea in Kentucky as much as you please； but you will never win
any Northern support upon it。 He makes a wiser argument for you： he
makes the argument that the slavery of the black man； the slavery of
the man who has a skin of a different color from your own； is right。
He thereby brings to your support Northern voters who could not for a
moment be brought by your own argument of the Bible right of slavery。
Will you give him credit for that？ Will you not say that in this
matter he is more wisely for you than you are for yourselves？
Now； having established with his entire party this doctrine； having
been entirely successful in that branch of his efforts in your
behalf； he is ready for another。
At this same meeting at Memphis he declared that in all contests
between the negro and the white man he was for the white man； but
that in all questions betwe