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the writings-5-第3章

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often that I think I can recollect it。  It runs I think as follows:



〃We are now far into the fifth year since a policy was initiated with

the avowed object and confident promise of putting an end to slavery

agitation。  Under the operation of that policy that agitation has not

only not ceased but has constantly augmented。  In my opinion it will

not cease until a crisis shall have been reached and passed。



〃A house divided against itself cannot stand。  I believe this

government cannot endure permanently half slave and half free。  I do

not expect the Union to be dissolved。  I do not expect the house to

fall; but I do expect it will cease to be divided。  It will become

all one thing or all the other。  Either the opponents of slavery will

arrest the further spread of it and place it where the public mind

shall rest in the belief that it is in the course of ultimate

extinction; or its advocates will push it forward till it shall

become alike lawful in all the States; old as well as new; North as

well as South。〃



Judge Douglas makes use of the above quotation; and finds a great

deal of fault with it。  He deals unfairly with me; and tries to make

the people of this State believe that I advocated dangerous doctrines

in my Springfield speech。  Let us see if that portion of my

Springfield speech of which Judge Douglas complains so bitterly; is

as objectionable to others as it is to him。  We are; certainly; far

into the fifth year since a policy was initiated with the avowed

object and confident promise of putting an end to slavery agitation。

On the fourth day of January; 1854; Judge Douglas introduced the

Kansas…Nebraska bill。  He initiated a new policy; and that policy; so

he says; was to put an end to the agitation of the slavery question。

Whether that was his object or not I will not stop to discuss; but at

all events some kind of a policy was initiated; and what has been the

result? Instead of the quiet and good feeling which were promised us

by the self…styled author of Popular Sovereignty; we have had nothing

but ill…feeling and agitation。  According to Judge Douglas; the

passage of the Nebraska bill would tranquilize the whole country

there would be no more slavery agitation in or out of Congress; and

the vexed question would be left entirely to the people of the

Territories。  Such was the opinion of Judge Douglas; and such were

the opinions of the leading men of the Democratic Party。  Even as

late as the spring of 1856 Mr。 Buchanan said; a short time subsequent

to his nomination by the Cincinnati convention; that the territory of

Kansas would be tranquil in less than six weeks。  Perhaps he thought

so; but Kansas has not been and is not tranquil; and it may be a long

time before she may be so。



We all know how fierce the agitation was in Congress last winter; and

what a narrow escape Kansas had from being admitted into the Union

with a constitution that was detested by ninety…nine hundredths of

her citizens。  Did the angry debates which took place at Washington

during the last season of Congress lead you to suppose that the

slavery agitation was settled?



An election was held in Kansas in the month of August; and the

constitution which was submitted to the people was voted down by a

large majority。  So Kansas is still out of the Union; and there is a

probability that she will remain out for some time。  But Judge

Douglas says the slavery question is settled。  He says the bill he

introduced into the Senate of the United States on the 4th day of

January; 1854; settled the slavery question forever! Perhaps he can

tell us how that bill settled the slavery question; for if he is able

to settle a question of such great magnitude he ought to be able to

explain the manner in which he does it。  He knows and you know that

the question is not settled; and that his ill…timed experiment to

settle it has made it worse than it ever was before。



And now let me say a few words in regard to Douglas's great hobby of

negro equality。  He thinkshe says at leastthat the Republican

party is in favor of allowing whites and blacks to intermarry; and

that a man can't be a good Republican unless he is willing to elevate

black men to office and to associate with them on terms of perfect

equality。  He knows that we advocate no such doctrines as these; but

he cares not how much he misrepresents us if he can gain a few votes

by so doing。  To show you what my opinion of negro equality was in

times past; and to prove to you that I stand on that question where I

always stood; I will read you a few extracts from a speech that was

made by me in Peoria in 1854。  It was made in reply to one of Judge

Douglas's speeches。



(Mr。 Lincoln then read a number of extracts which had the ring of the

true metal。  We have rarely heard anything with which we have been

more pleased。  And the audience after hearing the extracts read; and

comparing their conservative sentiments with those now advocated by

Mr。 Lincoln; testified their approval by loud applause。  How any

reasonable man can hear one of Mr。 Lincoln's speeches without being

converted to Republicanism is something that we can't account for。

Ed。)



Slavery; continued Mr。 Lincoln; is not a matter of little importance;

it overshadows every other question in which we are interested。  It

has divided the Methodist and Presbyterian churches; and has sown

discord in the American Tract Society。  The churches have split and

the society will follow their example before long。  So it will be

seen that slavery is agitated in the religious as well as in the

political world。

Judge Douglas is very much afraid in the triumph that the Republican

party will lead to a general mixture of the white and black races。

Perhaps I am wrong in saying that he is afraid; so I will correct

myself by saying that he pretends to fear that the success of our

party will result in the amalgamation of the blacks and whites。  I

think I can show plainly; from documents now before me; that Judge

Douglas's fears are groundless。  The census of 1800 tells us that in

that year there were over four hundred thousand mulattoes in the

United States。  Now let us take what is called an Abolition State

the Republican; slavery…hating State of New Hampshireand see how

many mulattoes we can find within her borders。  The number amounts to

just one hundred and eighty…four。  In the Old Dominionin the

Democratic and aristocratic State of Virginiathere were a few more

mulattoes than the Census…takers found in New Hampshire。  How many do

you suppose there were? Seventy…nine thousand; seven hundred and

seventy…fivetwenty…three thousand more than there were in all the

free States!  In the slave States there were in 1800; three

hundred and forty…eight thousand mulattoes all of home production;

and in the free States there were less than sixty thousand mulattoes

and a large number of them were imported from the South。









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