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All wish it done； but some wish one way and some another； and some a
third； or fourth； or fifth； different bodies are pulling in different
directions； and none of them； having a decided majority； are able to
accomplish the common object。
In the beginning of the year 1854； a new policy was inaugurated with
the avowed object and confident promise that it would entirely and
forever put an end to the slavery agitation。 It was again and again
declared that under this policy； when once successfully established；
the country would be forever rid of this whole question。 Yet under
the operation of that policy this agitation has not only not ceased；
but it has been constantly augmented。 And this too； although； from
the day of its introduction； its friends； who promised that it would
wholly end all agitation； constantly insisted； down to the time that
the Lecompton Bill was introduced； that it was working admirably； and
that its inevitable tendency was to remove the question forever from
the politics of the country。 Can you call to mind any Democratic
speech； made after the repeal of the Missouri Compromise； down to the
time of the Lecompton Bill； in which it was not predicted that the
slavery agitation was just at an end； that 〃the abolition excitement
was played out；〃 〃the Kansas question was dead；〃 〃they have made the
most they can out of this question and it is now forever settled〃？
But since the Lecompton Bill no Democrat； within my experience； has
ever pretended that he could see the end。 That cry has been dropped。
They themselves do not pretend； now； that the agitation of this
subject has come to an end yet。
The truth is that this question is one of national importance； and we
cannot help dealing with it； we must do something about it； whether
we will or not。 We cannot avoid it； the subject is one we cannot
avoid considering； we can no more avoid it than a man can live
without eating。 It is upon us； it attaches to the body politic as
much and closely as the natural wants attach to our natural bodies。
Now I think it important that this matter should be taken up in
earnest； and really settled： And one way to bring about a true
settlement of the question is to understand its true magnitude。
There have been many efforts made to settle it。 Again and again it
has been fondly hoped that it was settled； but every time it breaks
out afresh； and more violently than ever。 It was settled； our
fathers hoped； by the Missouri Compromise； but it did not stay
settled。 Then the compromises of 1850 were declared to be a full and
final settlement of the question。 The two great parties； each in
national convention； adopted resolutions declaring that the
settlement made by the Compromise of 1850 was a finality that it
would last forever。 Yet how long before it was unsettled again？
It broke out again in 1854； and blazed higher and raged more
furiously than ever before； and the agitation has not rested since。
These repeated settlements must have some faults about them。 There
must be some inadequacy in their very nature to the purpose to which
they were designed。 We can only speculate as to where that fault；
that inadequacy； is； but we may perhaps profit by past experiences。
I think that one of the causes of these repeated failures is that our
best and greatest men have greatly underestimated the size of this
question。 They have constantly brought forward small cures for great
soresplasters too small to cover the wound。 That is one reason
that all settlements have proved temporaryso evanescent。
Look at the magnitude of this subject： One sixth of our population；
in round numbersnot quite one sixth； and yet more than a seventh；
about one sixth of the whole population of the United States are
slaves。 The owners of these slaves consider them property。 The
effect upon the minds of the owners is that of property； and nothing
else it induces them to insist upon all that will favorably affect
its value as property； to demand laws and institutions and a public
policy that shall increase and secure its value； and make it durable；
lasting； and universal。 The effect on the minds of the owners is to
persuade them that there is no wrong in it。 The slaveholder does not
like to be considered a mean fellow for holding that species of
property； and hence； he has to struggle within himself and sets about
arguing himself into the belief that slavery is right。 The property
influences his mind。 The dissenting minister who argued some
theological point with one of the established church was always met
with the reply； 〃I can't see it so。〃 He opened a Bible and pointed
him a passage； but the orthodox minister replied； 〃I can't see it
so。〃 Then he showed him a single word 〃Can you see that？〃 〃Yes； I
see it；〃 was the reply。 The dissenter laid a guinea over the word
and asked； 〃Do you see it now？〃 So here。 Whether the owners of this
species of property do really see it as it is； it is not for me to
say； but if they do； they see it as it is through two thousand
millions of dollars； and that is a pretty thick coating。 Certain it
is that they do not see it as we see it。 Certain it is that this two
thousand millions of dollars； invested in this species of property；
all so concentrated that the mind can grasp it at oncethis immense
pecuniary interesthas its influence upon their minds。
But here in Connecticut and at the North slavery does not exist； and
we see it through no such medium。
To us it appears natural to think that slaves are human beings； men；
not property； that some of the things； at least； stated about men in
the Declaration of Independence apply to them as well as to us。
I say we think； most of us； that this charter of freedom applies to
the slaves as well as to ourselves； that the class of arguments put
forward to batter down that idea are also calculated to break down
the very idea of a free government； even for white men； and to
undermine the very foundations of free society。 We think slavery a
great moral wrong； and； while we do not claim the right to touch it
where it exists； we wish to treat it as a wrong in the Territories；
where our votes will reach it。 We think that a respect for
ourselves； a regard for future generations and for the God that made
us； require that we put down this wrong where our votes will properly
reach it。 We think that species of labor an injury to free white men
in short； we think slavery a great moral； social； and political
evil； tolerable only because； and so far as； its actual existence
makes it necessary to tolerate it； and that beyond that it ought to
be treated as a wrong。
Now these two ideas； the property idea that slavery is right； and the
idea that it is wrong； come into collision； and do actually produce
that irrepressible conflict which Mr。 Seward has been so roundly
abused for mentioning。 The two ideas conflict； and must conflict。
Again； in its political as