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the writings-5-第38章

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Democrat; and never yet have I found one who said I did not place him

right in that。  I must assume that Democrats hold that; and now; not

one of these Democrats can show that he said that five years ago! I

venture to defy the whole party to produce one man that ever uttered

the belief that the Declaration did not apply to negroes; before the

repeal of the Missouri Compromise! Four or five years ago we all

thought negroes were men; and that when 〃all men〃 were named; negroes

were included。  But the whole Democratic party has deliberately taken

negroes from the class of men and put them in the class of brutes。

Turn it as you will it is simply the truth! Don't be too hasty; then;

in saying that the people cannot be brought to this new doctrine; but

note that long stride。  One more as long completes the journey from

where negroes are estimated as men to where they are estimated as

mere brutesas rightful property!



That saying 〃In the struggle between white men and the negro;〃 etc。;

which I know came from the same source as this policythat saying

marks another step。  There is a falsehood wrapped up in that

statement。  〃In the struggle between the white man and the negro〃

assumes that there is a struggle; in which either the white man must

enslave the negro or the negro must enslave the white。  There is no

such struggle! It is merely the ingenious falsehood to degrade and

brutalize the negro。  Let each let the other alone; and there is no

struggle about it。  If it was like two wrecked seamen on a narrow

plank; when each must push the other off or drown himself; I would

push the negro off or a white man either; but it is not; the plank is

large enough for both。  This good earth is plenty broad enough for

white man and negro both; and there is no need of either pushing the

other off。



So that saying; 〃In the struggle between the negro and the

crocodile;〃 etc。; is made up from the idea that down where the

crocodile inhabits; a white man can't labor; it must be nothing else

but crocodile or negro; if the negro does not the crocodile must

possess the earth; in that case he declares for the negro。  The

meaning of the whole is just this: As a white man is to a negro; so

is a negro to a crocodile; and as the negro may rightfully treat the

crocodile; so may the white man rightfully treat the negro。   This

very dear phrase coined by its author; and so dear that he

deliberately repeats it in many speeches; has a tendency to still

further brutalize the negro; and to bring public opinion to the point

of utter indifference whether men so brutalized are enslaved or not。

When that time shall come; if ever; I think that policy to which I

refer may prevail。  But I hope the good freemen of this country will

never allow it to come; and until then the policy can never be

maintained。



Now consider the effect of this policy。  We in the States are not to

care whether freedom or slavery gets the better; but the people in

the Territories may care。  They are to decide; and they may think

what they please; it is a matter of dollars and cents! But are not

the people of the Territories detailed from the States? If this

feeling of indifference this absence of moral sense about the

question prevails in the States; will it not be carried into the

Territories? Will not every man say; 〃I don't care; it is nothing to

me〃? If any one comes that wants slavery; must they not say; 〃I don't

care whether freedom or slavery be voted up or voted down〃? It

results at last in nationalizing the institution of slavery。  Even if

fairly carried out; that policy is just as certain to nationalize

slavery as the doctrine of Jeff Davis himself。  These are only two

roads to the same goal; and 〃popular sovereignty〃 is just as sure and

almost as short as the other。



What we want; and all we want; is to have with us the men who think

slavery wrong。  But those who say they hate slavery; and are opposed

to it; but yet act with the Democratic partywhere are they? Let us

apply a few tests。  You say that you think slavery is wrong; but you

denounce all attempts to restrain it。  Is there anything else that

you think wrong that you are not willing to deal with as wrong? Why

are you so careful; so tender; of this one wrong and no other? You

will not let us do a single thing as if it was wrong; there is no

place where you will even allow it to be called wrong! We must not

call it wrong in the free States; because it is not there; and we

must not call it wrong in the slave States; because it is there; we

must not call it wrong in politics because that is bringing morality

into politics; and we must not call it wrong in the pulpit because

that is bringing politics into religion; we must not bring it into

the Tract Society or the other societies; because those are such

unsuitable placesand there is no single place; according to you;

where this wrong thing can properly be called wrong!



Perhaps you will plead that if the people of the slave States should

themselves set on foot an effort for emancipation; you would wish

them success; and bid them God…speed。  Let us test that: In 1858 the

emancipation party of Missouri; with Frank Blair at their head; tried

to get up a movement for that purpose; and having started a party

contested the State。  Blair was beaten; apparently if not truly; and

when the news came to Connecticut; you; who knew that Frank Blair was

taking hold of this thing by the right end; and doing the only thing

that you say can properly be done to remove this wrongdid you bow

your heads in sorrow because of that defeat? Do you; any of you; know

one single Democrat that showed sorrow over that result? Not one! On

the contrary every man threw up his hat; and hallooed at the top of

his lungs; 〃Hooray for Democracy!〃



Now; gentlemen; the Republicans desire to place this great question

of slavery on the very basis on which our fathers placed it; and no

other。  It is easy to demonstrate that 〃our fathers; who framed this

Government under which we live;〃 looked on slavery as wrong; and so

framed it and everything about it as to square with the idea that it

was wrong; so far as the necessities arising from its existence

permitted。  In forming the Constitution they found the slave trade

existing; capital invested in it; fields depending upon it for labor;

and the whole system resting upon the importation of slave labor。

They therefore did not prohibit the slave trade at once; but they

gave the power to prohibit it after twenty years。  Why was this? What

other foreign trade did they treat in that way? Would they have done

this if they had not thought slavery wrong?



Another thing was done by some of the same men who framed the

Constitution; and afterwards adopted as their own the act by the

first Congress held under that Constitution; of which many of the

framers were members; that prohibited the spread of slavery into

Territories。  Thus the same men; the framers of t
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