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the honor of the sitting of the convention at their towns
respectively； and I fear that they would not feel much
complimented if we shall make a bargain that it should sit
nowhere。
Yours as ever；
A。 LINCOLN。
TO _________ WILLIAMS；
SPRINGFIELD； March 1； 1845。
FRIEND WILLIAMS：
The Supreme Court adjourned this morning for the term。 Your
cases of Reinhardt vs。 Schuyler； Bunce vs。 Schuyler； Dickhut vs。
Dunell； and Sullivan vs。 Andrews are continued。 Hinman vs。 Pope
I wrote you concerning some time ago。 McNutt et al。 vs。 Bean and
Thompson is reversed and remanded。
Fitzpatrick vs。 Brady et al。 is reversed and remanded with leave
to complainant to amend his bill so as to show the real
consideration given for the land。
Bunce against Graves the court confirmed； wherefore； in
accordance with your directions； I moved to have the case
remanded to enable you to take a new trial in the court below。
The court allowed the motion； of which I am glad； and I guess you
are。
This； I believe； is all as to court business。 The canal men have
got their measure through the Legislature pretty much or quite in
the shape they desired。 Nothing else now。
Yours as ever；
A。 LINCOLN。
ABOLITION MOVEMENT
TO WILLIAMSON DURLEY。
SPRINGFIELD； October 3； 1845
When I saw you at home； it was agreed that I should write to you
and your brother Madison。 Until I then saw you I was not aware
of your being what is generally called an abolitionist； or； as
you call yourself； a Liberty man； though I well knew there were
many such in your country。
I was glad to hear that you intended to attempt to bring about；
at the next election in Putnam； a Union of the Whigs proper and
such of the Liberty men as are Whigs in principle on all
questions save only that of slavery。 So far as I can perceive；
by such union neither party need yield anything on the point in
difference between them。 If the Whig abolitionists of New York
had voted with us last fall； Mr。 Clay would now be President；
Whig principles in the ascendant； and Texas not annexed； whereas；
by the division； all that either had at stake in the contest was
lost。 And； indeed； it was extremely probable； beforehand； that
such would be the result。 As I always understood； the Liberty
men deprecated the annexation of Texas extremely； and this being
so； why they should refuse to cast their votes ＇so＇ as to prevent
it； even to me seemed wonderful。 What was their process of
reasoning； I can only judge from what a single one of them told
me。 It was this： 〃We are not to do evil that good may come。〃
This general proposition is doubtless correct； but did it apply？
If by your votes you could have prevented the extension； etc。； of
slavery would it not have been good； and not evil； so to have
used your votes； even though it involved the casting of them for
a slaveholder？ By the fruit the tree is to be known。 An evil
tree cannot bring forth good fruit。 If the fruit of electing Mr。
Clay would have been to prevent the extension of slavery； could
the act of electing have been evil？
But I will not argue further。 I perhaps ought to say that
individually I never was much interested in the Texas question。
I never could see much good to come of annexation； inasmuch as
they were already a free republican people on our own model。 On
the other hand； I never could very clearly see how the annexation
would augment the evil of slavery。 It always seemed to me that
slaves would be taken there in about equal numbers； with or
without annexation。 And if more were taken because of
annexation； still there would be just so many the fewer left
where they were taken from。 It is possibly true； to some extent；
that； with annexation； some slaves may be sent to Texas and
continued in slavery that otherwise might have been liberated。
To whatever extent this may be true； I think annexation an evil。
I hold it to be a paramount duty of us in the free States； due to
the Union of the States； and perhaps to liberty itself （paradox
though it may seem）； to let the slavery of the other States
alone； while； on the other hand； I hold it to be equally clear
that we should never knowingly lend ourselves； directly or
indirectly； to prevent that slavery from dying a natural death
to find new places for it to live in when it can no longer exist
in the old。 Of course I am not now considering what would be our
duty in cases of insurrection among the slaves。 To recur to the
Texas question； I understand the Liberty men to have viewed
annexation as a much greater evil than ever I did； and I would
like to convince you； if I could； that they could have prevented
it； if they had chosen。 I intend this letter for you and Madison
together； and if you and he or either shall think fit to drop me
a line； I shall be pleased。
Yours with respect；
A。 LINCOLN。
1846
REQUEST FOR POLITICAL SUPPORT
TO Dr。 ROBERT BOAL。
SPRINGFIELD； January 7； 1846。
Dr。 ROBERT BOAL； Lacon； Ill。
DEAR DOCTOR：Since I saw you last fall； I have often thought of
writing to you； as it was then understood I would； but； on
reflection； I have always found that I had nothing new to tell
you。 All has happened as I then told you I expected it would
Baker's declining； Hardin's taking the track； and so on。
If Hardin and I stood precisely equal； if neither of us had been
to Congress； or if we both had； it would only accord with what I
have always done； for the sake of peace； to give way to him； and
I expect I should do it。 That I can voluntarily postpone my
pretensions； when they are no more than equal to those to which
they are postponed； you have yourself seen。 But to yield to
Hardin under present circumstances seems to me as nothing else
than yielding to one who would gladly sacrifice me altogether。
This I would rather not submit to。 That Hardin is talented；
energetic； usually generous and magnanimous； I have before this
affirmed to you and do not deny。 You know that my only argument
is that 〃turn about is fair play。〃 This he； practically at least；
denies。
If it would not be taxing you too much； I wish you would write
me； telling the aspect of things in your country； or rather your
district； and also； send the names of some of your Whig
neighbors； to whom I might； with propriety； write。 Unless I can
get some one to do this； Hardin； with his old franking list； will
have the advantage of me。 My reliance for a fair shake （and I
want nothing more） in your country is chiefly on you； because of
your position and standing； and because I am acquainted with so
few others。 Let me hear from you soon。
Yours truly；
A。 LINCOLN。
TO JOHN BENNETT。
SPRINGFIELD； Jan。 15； 1846。
JOHN BENNETT。
FRIEND JOHN：
Nathan Dresser is here； and speaks as though the contest between
Hardin and