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preservation in the other。〃
Mr。 Clay was in Congress； and； perceiving the danger； at once
engaged his whole energies to avert it。 It began； as I have
said； in 1819 ； and it did not terminate till 1821。 Missouri
would not yield the point； and Congress that is； a majority in
Congressby repeated votes showed a determination not to admit
the State unless it should yield。 After several failures； and
great labor on the part of Mr。 Clay to so present the question
that a majority could consent to the admission； it was by a vote
rejected； and； as all seemed to think； finally。 A sullen gloom
hung over the nation。 All felt that the rejection of Missouri
was equivalent to a dissolution of the Union； because those
States which already had what Missouri was rejected for refusing
to relinquish would go with Missouri。 All deprecated and
deplored this； but none saw how to avert it。 For the judgment of
members to be convinced of the necessity of yielding was not the
whole difficulty； each had a constituency to meet and to answer
to。 Mr。 Clay； though worn down and exhausted； was appealed to by
members to renew his efforts at compromise。 He did so； and by
some judicious modifications of his plan； coupled with laborious
efforts with individual members and his own overmastering
eloquence upon that floor； he finally secured the admission of
the State。 Brightly and captivating as it had previously shown；
it was now perceived that his great eloquence was a mere
embellishment； or at most but a helping hand to his inventive
genius and his devotion to his country in the day of her extreme
peril。
After the settlement of the Missouri question； although a portion
of the American people have differed with Mr。 Clay； and a
majority even appear generally to have been opposed to him on
questions of ordinary administration； he seems constantly to have
been regarded by all as the man for the crisis。 Accordingly； in
the days of nullification； and more recently in the reappearance
of the slavery question connected with our territory newly
acquired of Mexico； the task of devising a mode of adjustment
seems to have been cast upon Mr。 Clay by common consentand his
performance of the task in each case was little else than a
literal fulfilment of the public expectation。
Mr。 Clay's efforts in behalf of the South Americans； and
afterward in behalf of the Greeks； in the times of their
respective struggles for civil liberty； are among the finest on
record； upon the noblest of all themes； and bear ample
corroboration of what I have said was his ruling passiona love
of liberty and right； unselfishly； and for their own sakes。
Having been led to allude to domestic slavery so frequently
already； I am unwilling to close without referring more
particularly to Mr。 Clay's views and conduct in regard to it。 He
ever was on principle and in feeling opposed to slavery。 The
very earliest； and one of the latest； public efforts of his life；
separated by a period of more than fifty years； were both made in
favor of gradual emancipation。 He did not perceive that on a
question of human right the negroes were to be excepted from the
human race。 And yet Mr。 Clay was the owner of slaves。 Cast into
life when slavery was already widely spread and deeply seated； he
did not perceive； as I think no wise man has perceived； how it
could be at once eradicated without producing a greater evil even
to the cause of human liberty itself。 His feeling and his
judgment； therefore； ever led him to oppose both extremes of
opinion on the subject。 Those who would shiver into fragments
the Union of these States； tear to tatters its now venerated
Constitution； and even burn the last copy of the Bible； rather
than slavery should continue a single hour； together with all
their more halting sympathizers； have received； and are
receiving； their just execration； and the name and opinions and
influence of Mr。 Clay are fully and； as I trust； effectually and
enduringly arrayed against them。 But I would also； if I could；
array his name； opinions； and influence against the opposite
extremeagainst a few but an increasing number of men who； for
the sake of perpetuating slavery； are beginning to assail and to
ridicule the white man's charter of freedom； the declaration that
〃all men are created free and equal。〃 So far as I have learned；
the first American of any note to do or attempt this was the late
John C。 Calhoun； and if I mistake not； it soon after found its
way into some of the messages of the Governor of South Carolina。
We； however； look for and are not much shocked by political
eccentricities and heresies in South Carolina。 But only last
year I saw with astonishment what purported to be a letter of a
very distinguished and influential clergyman of Virginia； copied；
with apparent approbation； into a St。 Louis newspaper；
containing the following to me very unsatisfactory language：
〃I am fully aware that there is a text in some Bibles that is not
in mine。 Professional abolitionists have made more use of it
than of any passage in the Bible。 It came； however； as I trace
it； from Saint Voltaire； and was baptized by Thomas Jefferson；
and since almost universally regarded as canonical authority‘All
men are born free and equal。'
〃This is a genuine coin in the political currency of our
generation。 I am sorry to say that I have never seen two men of
whom it is true。 But I must admit I never saw the Siamese Twins；
and therefore will not dogmatically say that no man ever saw a
proof of this sage aphorism。〃
This sounds strangely in republican America。 The like was not
heard in the fresher days of the republic。 Let us contrast with
it the language of that truly national man whose life and death
we now commemorate and lament： I quote from a speech of Mr。 Clay
delivered before the American Colonization Society in 1827：
〃 We are reproached with doing mischief by the agitation of this
question。 The society goes into no household to disturb its
domestic tranquillity。 It addresses itself to no slaves to
weaken their obligations of obedience。 It seeks to affect no
man's property。 It neither has the power nor the will to affect
the property of any one contrary to his consent。 The execution
of its scheme would augment instead of diminishing the value of
property left behind。 The society； composed of free men；
conceals itself only with the free。 Collateral consequences we
are not responsible for。 It is not this society which has
produced the great moral revolution which the age exhibits。 What
would they who thus reproach us have done？ If they would
repress all tendencies toward liberty and ultimate emancipation；
they must do more than put down the benevolent efforts of this
society。 They must go back to the era of our liberty and
independence； and muzzle the cannon which thunders its annual
joyous return。 They must renew the slave trade； with all