按键盘上方向键 ← 或 → 可快速上下翻页，按键盘上的 Enter 键可回到本书目录页，按键盘上方向键 ↑ 可回到本页顶部！
————未阅读完？加入书签已便下次继续阅读！
most happy to abide by their opinions。 He shows us that when it
was in contemplation for the colonies to break off from Great
Britain； and set up a new government for themselves； several of
the States instructed their delegates to go for the measure；
provided each State should be allowed to regulate its domestic
concerns in its own way。 I do not quote； but this in substance。
This was right； I see nothing objectionable in it。 I also think
it probable that it had some reference to the existence of
slavery among them。 I will not deny that it had。 But had it any
reference to the carrying of slavery into new countries？ That is
the question； and we will let the fathers themselves answer it。
This same generation of men； and mostly the same individuals of
the generation who declared this principle； who declared
independence； who fought the war of the Revolution through； who
afterward made the Constitution under which we still livethese
same men passed the Ordinance of '87； declaring that slavery
should never go to the Northwest Territory。
I have no doubt Judge Douglas thinks they were very inconsistent
in this。 It is a question of discrimination between them and
him。 But there is not an inch of ground left for his claiming
that their opinions； their example； their authority； are on his
side in the controversy。
Again； is not Nebraska； while a Territory； a part of us？ Do we
not own the country？ And if we surrender the control of it； do
we not surrender the right of self…government？ It is part of
ourselves。 If you say we shall not control it； because it is
only part； the same is true of every other part； and when all the
parts are gone； what has become of the whole？ What is then left
of us？ What use for the General Government； when there is
nothing left for it to govern？
But you say this question should be left to the people of
Nebraska； because they are more particularly interested。 If this
be the rule； you must leave it to each individual to say for
himself whether he will have slaves。 What better moral right
have thirty…one citizens of Nebraska to say that the thirty…
second shall not hold slaves than the people of the thirty…one
States have to say that slavery shall not go into the thirty…
second State at all？
But if it is a sacred right for the people of Nebraska to take
and hold slaves there； it is equally their sacred right to buy
them where they can buy them cheapest； and that； undoubtedly；
will be on the coast of Africa； provided you will consent not to
hang them for going there to buy them。 You must remove this
restriction； too； from the sacred right of self…government。 I am
aware you say that taking slaves from the States to Nebraska does
not make slaves of freemen； but the African slave…trader can say
just as much。 He does not catch free negroes and bring them
here。 He finds them already slaves in the hands of their black
captors； and he honestly buys them at the rate of a red cotton
handkerchief a head。 This is very cheap； and it is a great
abridgment of the sacred right of self…government to hang men for
engaging in this profitable trade。
Another important objection to this application of the right of
self…government is that it enables the first few to deprive the
succeeding many of a free exercise of the right of self…
government。 The first few may get slavery in； and the subsequent
many cannot easily get it out。 How common is the remark now in
the slave States； 〃If we were only clear of our slaves； how much
better it would be for us。〃 They are actually deprived of the
privilege of governing themselves as they would； by the action of
a very few in the beginning。 The same thing was true of the
whole nation at the time our Constitution was formed。
Whether slavery shall go into Nebraska； or other new Territories；
is not a matter of exclusive concern to the people who may go
there。 The whole nation is interested that the best use shall be
made of these Territories。 We want them for homes of free white
people。 This they cannot be； to any considerable extent； if
slavery shall be planted within them。 Slave States are places
for poor white people to remove from； not to remove to。 New free
States are the places for poor people to go to； and better their
condition。 For this use the nation needs these Territories。
Still further： there are constitutional relations between the
slave and free States which are degrading to the latter。 We are
under legal obligations to catch and return their runaway slaves
to them： a sort of dirty； disagreeable job； which； I believe； as
a general rule； the slaveholders will not perform for one
another。 Then again； in the control of the governmentthe
management of the partnership affairsthey have greatly the
advantage of us。 By the Constitution each State has two
senators； each has a number of representatives in proportion to
the number of its people； and each has a number of Presidential
electors equal to the whole number of its senators and
representatives together。 But in ascertaining the number of the
people for this purpose； five slaves are counted as being equal
to three whites。 The slaves do not vote； they are only counted
and so used as to swell the influence of the white people's
votes。 The practical effect of this is more aptly shown by a
comparison of the States of South Carolina and Maine。 South
Carolina has six representatives； and so has Maine； South
Carolina has eight Presidential electors； and so has Maine。 This
is precise equality so far； and of course they are equal in
senators； each having two。 Thus in the control of the government
the two States are equals precisely。 But how are they in the
number of their white people？ Maine has 581；813； while South
Carolina has 274；567； Maine has twice as many as South Carolina；
and 32；679 over。 Thus； each white man in South Carolina is more
than the double of any man in Maine。 This is all because South
Carolina； besides her free people； has 384；984 slaves。 The South
Carolinian has precisely the same advantage over the white man in
every other free State as well as in Maine。 He is more than the
double of any one of us in this crowd。 The same advantage； but
not to the same extent； is held by all the citizens of the slave
States over those of the free； and it is an absolute truth；
without an exception； that there is no voter in any slave State
but who has more legal power in the government than any voter in
any free State。 There is no instance of exact equality； and the
disadvantage is against us the whole chapter through。 This
principle； in the aggregate； gives the slave States in the
present Congress twenty additional representatives； being seven
more than the whole majority by which they passed the Nebraska
Bill。
Now all this is manifestly unfair； yet I do not mention it to
complain of it； in so far as it is already settled。 It is in the