按键盘上方向键 ← 或 → 可快速上下翻页，按键盘上的 Enter 键可回到本书目录页，按键盘上方向键 ↑ 可回到本页顶部！
————未阅读完？加入书签已便下次继续阅读！
the Fourteenth Amendment and other radical plans of Congress。
The Joint Committee on Reconstruction； appointed when Congress refused to accept the work of President Johnson； proceeded during several months to take testimony and to consider measures。 The testimony； which was taken chiefly to support opinions already formed； appeared to prove that the Negroes and the Unionists were so badly treated that the Freedmen's Bureau and the army must be kept in the South to protect them； that free Negro labor was a success but that the whites were hostile to it； that the whites were disloyal and would； if given control of the Southern governments and admitted to Congress； constitute a danger to the nation and especially to the party in power。
To convince the voters of the North of the necessity of dealing drastically with the South a campaign of misrepresentation was begun in the summer of 1865； which became more and more systematic and unscrupulous as the political struggle at Washington grew fiercer。 Newspapers regularly ran columns headed 〃Southern Outrages；〃 and every conceivable mistreatment of blacks by whites was represented as taking place on a large scale。 As General Richard Taylor said； it would seem that about 1866 every white man； woman； and child in the South began killing and maltreating Negroes。 In truth； there was less and less ground for objection to the treatment of the blacks as time went on and as the several agencies of government secured firmer control over the lawless elements。 But fortunately for the radicals their contention seemed to be established by riots on a large scale in Memphis and New Orleans where Negroes were killed and injured in much greater number than whites。
The rapid development of the radical plans of Congress checked the tendency toward political division in the South。 Only a small party of rabid Unionists would now affiliate with the radicals； while all the others reluctantly held together； endorsed Johnson's policy； and attempted to affiliate with the disintegrating National Union party。 But the defeat of the President's policies in the elections of 1866； the increasing radicalism of Congress as shown by the Civil Rights Act； the expansion of the Freedmen's Bureau； the report of the Joint Committee on Reconstruction； and the proposal of the Fourteenth Amendment led farsighted Southerners to see that the President was likely to lose in his fight with Congress。
Now began； in the latter half of 1866； with some cooperation in the North and probably with the approval of the President； a movement in the South to forestall the radicals by means of a settlement which； although less severe than the proposed Fourteenth Amendment； might yet be acceptable to Congress。 One feature of the settlement was to be some form of Negro suffrage； either by local action or by constitutional amendment。 Those behind this scheme were mainly of the former governing class。 Negro suffrage； they thought； would take the wind out of the radical sails； the Southern whites would soon be able to control the blacks； representation in Congress would be increased； and the Black Belt would perhaps regain its former political hegemony。 It is hardly necessary to say that the majority of the whites were solidly opposed to such a measure。 But it was hoped to carry it under pressure through the legislature or to bring it about indirectly through rulings of the Freedmen's Bureau。
Coincident with this scheme of partial Negro suffrage an attempt was made by the conservative leaders in Washington； working with the Southerners； to propose a revised Fourteenth Amendment which would give the vote to competent Negroes and not disfranchise the whites。 A conference of Southern governors met in Washington early in 1867 and drafted such an amendment。 But； it was too late。
Meanwhile the Fourteenth Amendment submitted by Congress had been brought before the Southern legislatures； and during the winter of 1866…67 it was rejected by all of them。 There was strong opposition to it because it disfranchised the leading whites； but perhaps the principal reason for its rejection was that the Southern people were not sure that still more severe conditions might not be imposed later。
While the President was 〃restoring〃 the states which had seceded and struggling with Congress； the Border States of the South； including Tennessee （which was admitted in 1866 by reason of its radical state government）； were also in the throes of reconstruction。 Though there was less military interference in these than in the other states； many of the problems were similar。 All had the Freedmen's Bureau； the Negro race； the Unionists； and the Confederates； in every state； except Kentucky； Confederates were persecuted； the minority was in control； and 〃ring〃 rule was the order of the day； but in each state there were signs of the political revolution which a few years later was to put the radicals out of power。
The executive plan for the restoration of the Union； begun by Lincoln and adopted by Johnson； was； as we have seen； at first applied in all the states which had seceded。 A military governor was appointed in each state by the President by virtue of his authority as commander in chief。 This official； aided by a civilian staff of his own choice and supported by the United States army and other Federal agencies； reorganized the state administration and after a few months turned the state and local governments over to regularly elected officials。 Restoration should now have been completed； but Congress refused to admit the senators and representatives of these states； and entered upon a fifteen months' struggle with the President over details of the methods of the reconstruction。 Meanwhile the Southern States； though unrepresented in Congress； continued their activities； with some interference from Federal authorities； until Congress in 1867 declared their governments nonexistent。
The work begun by Lincoln and Johnson deserved better success。 The original plan restored to political rights only a small number of Unionists； the lukewarm Confederates； and the unimportant。 But in spite of the threatening speeches of Johnson； he used his power of pardon until none except the most prominent leaders were excluded。 The personnel of the Johnson governments was fair。 The officials were； in the main； former Douglas Democrats and Whigs； respectable and conservative； but not admired or loved by the people。 The conventions and the legislatures were orderly and dignified and manifested a desire to accept the situation。
There were no political parties at first； but material for several existed。 If things had been allowed to take their course； there would have arisen a normal cleavage between former Whigs and Democrats； between the upcountry and the low country； between the slaveholders and the nonslaveholders。 The average white man in these governments was willing to be fair to the Negro but was not greatly concerned about his future。 In the view of most white people； it was the white man who was emancipated。 The white districts had no desire to let the power return to the Black Belt by giving the Negro the ballot； for the vote of the Negroes； they believed； would be c