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modifications
which； as a matter of fact； nullified that position altogether。 It was then
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about ten at night； and the Conference adjourned。 We drove round to the
prison in sledges； and by way of supper had some more soup and potatoes；
and so back to the railway station to sleep in the cars。
Next day the Conference opened about noon； when there was a long
discussion of the points at issue。 Workman after workman came to the
platform and gave his view。 Some of the speeches were a little naive； as
when one soldier said that Comrades Lenin and Trotsky had often before
pointed out difficult roads； and that whenever they had been followed they
had shown the way to victory； and that therefore； though there was much
in the Central Committee's theses that was hard to digest； he was for
giving them complete support； confident that； as Comrades Lenin and
Trotsky were in favor of them； they were likely to be right this time； as so
often heretofore。 But for the most part the speeches were directly
concerned with the problem under discussion； and showed a political
consciousness which would have been almost incredible three years ago。
The Red Army served as a text for many； who said that the methods which
had produced that army and its victories over the Whites had been proved
successful and should be used to produce a Red Army of Labor and
similar victories on the bloodless front against economic disaster。
Nobody seemed to question the main idea of compulsory labor。 The
contest that aroused real bitterness was between the methods of individual
and collegiate command。 The new proposals lead eventually towards
individual command； and fears were expressed lest this should mean
putting summary powers into the hands of bourgeois specialists； thus
nullifying 〃workers' control〃。 In reply； it was pointed out that individual
command had proved necessary in the army and had resulted in victory for
the revolution。 The question was not between specialists and no
specialists。 Everybody knew that specialists were necessary。 The
question was how to get the most out of them。 Effective political control
had secured that bourgeois specialists； old officers； led to victory the army
of the Red Republic。 The same result could be secured in the factories in
the same way。 It was pointed out that in one year they had succeeded in
training 32；000 Red Commanders； that is to say； officers from the working
class itself； and that it was not Utopian to hope and work for a similar
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output of
workmen specialists； technically trained； and therefore themselves
qualified for individual command in the factories。 Meanwhile there was
nothing against the employment of Political Commissars in the factories as
formerly in the regiments； to control in other than technical matters the
doings of the specialists。 On the other hand； it was said that the
appointment of Commissars would tend to make Communists unpopular；
since inevitably in many cases they would have to support the specialists
against the workmen； and that the collegiate system made the workmen
feel that they were actually the masters； and so gave possibilities of
enthusiastic work not otherwise obtainable。 This last point was hotly
challenged。 It was said that collegiate control meant little in effect；
except waste of time and efficiency； because at worst work was delayed by
disputes and at best the workmen members of the college merely
countersigned the orders decided upon by the specialists。 The
enthusiastic work was said to be a fairy story。 If it were really to be
found then there would be no need for a conference to discover how to get
it。
The most serious opposition； or at least the most serious argument put
forward； for there was less opposition than actual discussion； came from
some of the representatives of the Trade Unionists。 A good deal was said
about the position of the Trades Unions in a Socialist State。 There was
general recognition that since the Trade Unions themselves controlled the
conditions of labor and wages； the whole of their old work of organizing
strikes against capitalists had ceased to have any meaning； since to strike
now would be to strike against their own decisions。 At the same time；
certain tendencies to Syndicalism were still in existence； tendencies which
might well lead to conflict between different unions； so that； for example；
the match makers or the metal worker； might wish to strike a bargain with
the State； as of one country with another； and this might easily lead to a
complete collapse of the socialist system。
The one thing on which the speakers were in complete agreement
was the absolute need of an effort in industry equal to； if not greater than；
the effort made in the army。 I thought it significant that in many of the
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speeches the importance of this effort was urged as the only possible
means of retaining the support of the peasants。 There was a tacit
recognition that the Conference represented town workers only。 Larin；
who had belonged to the old school which had grown up with its eyes on
the industrial countries of the West and believed that revolution could be
brought about by the town workers alone； that it was exclusively their
affair； and that all else was of minor importance； unguardedly spoke of the
peasant as 〃our neighbor。〃 In Javoslavl； country and town are too near to
allow the main problem of the revolution to be thus easily dismissed。 It
was instantly pointed out that the relation was much more intimate； and
that； even if it were only 〃neighborly；〃 peace could not long be preserved
if it were continually necessary for one neighbor to steal the chic