the origin of the distinction of ranks-第42章

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nt　very　different　from　this；　and　informs　us　that　the　nobility　of　each　kingdom　enjoyed　great　independence；　and　a　degree　of　opulence；　in　many　cases；　little　inferior　to　that　of　the　monarch。　　　　　The　idea　that　the　king　became　originally　proprietor　of　all　the　conquered　lands　seem　now；　upon　a　fuller　examination　of　facts；　to　be　in　a　great　measure　relinquished；　and　several　writers　of　late　have　made　it　at　least　extremely　probable　that　the　land　in　the　conquered　provinces　was　at　first　occupied；　according　to　circumstances；　by　different　individuals；　or　distributed　by　lot　among　the　warriors　of　each　victorious　tribe；　and　that　each　possessor　became　the　full　proprietor　of　that　portion　of　land　which　had　fallen　to　his　share。　See　Le　droit　publique　de　France；　eclairci　par　les　monumens　de　l'antiquit？　Par　M。　Bouquet。　See　also　Observations　sur　l'histoire　de　France。　Par　M。　L'Abb？de　Mably。　　　　　　It　is　true　that；　in　the　Modern　kingdom　of　Europe；　the　proprietors　of　lands　were　early　understood　to　be　under　an　obligation　of　going　out　to　war　as　often　as　the　public　interest　required　it。　But　this　was　a　duty　which　they　owed　to　the　community　as　citizens；　not　to　the　kings　as　vassals；　and　their　attendance　was　required；　not　by　an　order　of　the　monarch；　but　in　consequence　of　a　determination　of　the　national　assembly；　of　which　they　themselves　were　the　constituent　members。　　6。　In　France；　under　the　Merovingian　kings；　all　deeds　of　any　importance；　issuing　from　the　crown；　usually　contained　some　such　expression　as　these：　Una　cum　nostris　optimatibus　pertractavimus。　De　consensufidelium　nostrorum。　In　nostra　et　procerum　nostrorum　praesentia。　Obser。　par　M。　de　Mably。　And　there　is　good　reason　to　believe　that　what　is　called　the　Salique　Law　was　laid　before　the　national　assembly　and　received　their　approbation。　'Dictaverunt　Salicam　legem　Proceres　ipsius　gentis；　qui　tunc　temporis　apud　eam　erant　rectores。'　Praef。　leg。　Sal。　See　lettres　historiques　sur　les　fonctions　essentielles　du　parlement。　Boulainvilliers；　let。　sur　le　parl。　de　France。　　7。　Fidelis　Deo　propitio　ille；　ad　nostram　veniens　praesentiam　suggessit　nobis；　eo　quod　propter　simplicitatem　suam；　Causas　suas　minime　possit　prosequi；　vel　admallare；　clementiae　regni　nostri　petiit；　ut　illustris　vir　ille　omnes　causas　suas　in　vice　ipsius；　tam　in　pago；　quam　in　palatio　nostro　admallandum　prosequendumque　recipere　deberet；　quod　in　praesenti　per　fistucam　eas　eidem　visus　est　commendasse。　Propterea　jubemus；　ut　dum　taliter　utriusque　decrevit　voluntas；　memoratus　ille　vir　omnes　causas　lui；　ubicumque　prosequi　vel　admallare　deberet；　ut　unicuique　pro　ipso；　vel　hominibus　suis；　reputatis　conditionibus；　et　directum　faciat；　et　ab　aliis　similiter　in　veritate　recipiat。　Sic　tamen　quamdiu　amborum　decrevit　voluntas。　Formul。　Marculfi　21。　　Vid。　Ibid。　Formul。　13。　See　also　L'Esprit　de　Loix；　liv。　31；　chap。　8。　8。　'All　the　Franks　continued　without　discrimination　to　have　the　right　of　entrance　＇into　the　national　assembly＇；　but　subsequently；　their　number　having　increased；　and　the　distinction　between　Gauls　and　Franks　having　become　gradually　erased；　each　canton　assembled　separately；　and　scarcely　any　but　those　who　held　a　certain　rank　in　the　state　were　admitted　to　the　general　assembly　any　more。'　Let。　hist。　sur　les　parl。　9。　In　early　times　the　Wittenagemote　is　called　'infinita　fidelium　multitudo。'　10。　Many　of　the　French　antiquaries　and　historians　have　believed　that　the　feudal　system　was　completed　under　their　kings　of　the　first　race。　（See　Mezeray；　hist。　de　France。　　Loyseau；　trait？des　seigneuries。　　Salvaing；　de　l'usage　des　fiefs。　）　Others　have　supposed　that　military　tenures　were　unknown　during　this　early　period；　and　were　introduced；　either　about　the　time　of　Charlemagne；　or　towards　the　end　of　the　second　race　of　kings；　or　about　the　time　of　Hugh　Capet。　（See　Boulainvilliers；　lettres　sur　les　parlemens　de　France。　　Chantereau　de　Fevre；　trait？des　fiefs。　　Henault；　abr。　de　l'hist。　de　France。　　Bouquet；　droit　publique　de　France；　etc。）　These　various　opinions　appear　to　have　arisen　from　a　different　view　of　the　facts　relating　to　the　subject；　and　here；　as　in　most　other　disputes；　the　truth　probably　lies　in　a　middle　between　the　opposite　extremes。　To　those　authors　who　observed　that；　soon　after　the　settlement　of　the　Franks　in　Gaul；　the　king　and　the　great　lords　had　a　considerable　number　of　vassals　dependent　upon　them　for　protection；　and　liable　in　military　service；　it　seemed　a　natural　inference　that　the　whole　land　in　the　country　was　held　by　military　tenure。　Those　on　the　contrary　who　discovered　that；　under　the　kings　of　the　first　and　second　race；　the　great　lords　were　in　possession　of　allodial　estates；　and　who　observed；　that；　after　the　reign　of　Hugh　Capet；　many　of　the　perquisites　incident　to　the　feudal　tenures　were　established；　thought　they　had　reason　from　thence　to　conclude　that　the　feudal　system　was　not　introduced　before　this　period。　　11。　From　similar　circumstances　it　has　been　a　subject　of　controversy；　whether　the　feudal　system　took　place　in　England　under　the　government　of　the　Saxon　monarchs；　or　whether　it　was　not　first　introduced　in　the　reign　of　William　the　Conqueror。　See　Wright's　Introduction　to　the　law　of　tenures；　chap。　2。　and　the　authorities　quoted　by　him　upon　both　sides　of　the　question。　　　　　Sir　Henry　Spelman　having　said　in　his　Glossary；　v。　feodum；　that　fiefs　were　brought　into　England　by　William　the　Conqueror；　and　the　judges　of　Ireland；　in　their　argument　in　the　case　of　defective　titles；　having　pointed　out　that　opinion　as　erroneous；　this　industrious　antiquary　was　thence　excited　to　write　a　treatise　upon　the　subject；　in　which　he　explains　his　meaning　to　be　nothing　more　but　that　in　England；　fiefs　were　not　rendered　hereditary　before　the　Norman　conquest　。　Thus；　after　having　stated　the　question；　in　the　beginning　of　his　treatise；　he　goes　on　as　follows：　'A　FEUD　is　said　to　be　usufructus　quidam　rei　immobilis　sub　conditione　fidei。　But　this　definition　is　of　too　large　extent　for　such　kind　of　feuds　as　our　question　must　consist　upon：　for　it　includeth　two　members　of　species　greatly　differing　the　one　from　the　other；　the　one　temporary　and　revocable　（as　those　at　will　or　for　years；　life　or　lives）；　the　other　hereditary　and　perpetual。　As　for　temporary　feuds；　which　（like　wild　fig…trees）　could　yield　none　of　the　feudal　fruits　of　wardship；　marriage；　relief；　etc。　unto　their　lords；　they　belong　nothing　unto　our　argument。'　　And　a　little　after　he　adds；　'But　this　kind　of　feud　（we　speak　of）　and　no　other；　is　that　only　whereof　our　law　taketh　notice；　though　time　hath　somewhat　varied　it　from　the　first　institution；　by　drawing　the　property　of　the　soil　from　the　lord　unto　the　tenant。　And　I　both　conceive　and　affirm　under　correction；　That　this　our　kind　of　feuds　being　perpetual　and　hereditary；　and　subject　to　wardship；　marriage；　and　relief；　and　other　feodal　services　were　not　in　use　among　our　Saxons；　nor　our　law　of　tenures　（whereon　they　depend）　once　known　unto　them。'　（Spelman's　treat。　on　feuds　and　tenures　by　knight…service；　chap。　1。　The　same　author；　in　another　part　of　his　treatise；　proceeds　to　shew　that；　in　England　among　the　Saxons；　the　estates　of　the　nobility　were　denominated　Boc…land；　and　were　held　in　full　property；　but　that　Folc…land；　or　the　land　of　the　lower　people；　was　held　under　condition　of　customary　services；　at　the　will　of　their　lord　the　Thane。