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twenty…ninth of June； or on the following Sunday； the Funeral of Kostroma or of Lada or of Yarilo is celebrated in Russia。 In the Governments of Penza and Simbirsk the funeral used to be represented as follows。 A bonfire was kindled on the twenty…eighth of June； and on the next day the maidens chose one of their number to play the part of Kostroma。 Her companions saluted her with deep obeisances； placed her on a board； and carried her to the bank of a stream。 There they bathed her in the water； while the oldest girl made a basket of lime…tree bark and beat it like a drum。 Then they returned to the village and ended the day with processions； games； and dances。 In the Murom district Kostroma was represented by a straw figure dressed in woman's clothes and flowers。 This was laid in a trough and carried with songs to the bank of a lake or river。 Here the crowd divided into two sides； of which the one attacked and the other defended the figure。 At last the assailants gained the day； stripped the figure of its dress and ornaments； tore it in pieces； trod the straw of which it was made under foot； and flung it into the stream； while the defenders of the figure hid their faces in their hands and pretended to bewail the death of Kostroma。 In the district of Kostroma the burial of Yarilo was celebrated on the twenty…ninth or thirtieth of June。 The people chose an old man and gave him a small coffin containing a Priapus…like figure representing Yarilo。 This he carried out of the town； followed by women chanting dirges and expressing by their gestures grief and despair。 In the open fields a grave was dug； and into it the figure was lowered amid weeping and wailing； after which games and dances were begun； calling to mind the funeral games celebrated in old times by the pagan Slavonians。 In Little Russia the figure of Yarilo was laid in a coffin and carried through the streets after sunset surrounded by drunken women； who kept repeating mournfully； He is dead！ he is dead！ The men lifted and shook the figure as if they were trying to recall the dead man to life。 Then they said to the women； Women； weep not。 I know what is sweeter than honey。 But the women continued to lament and chant； as they do at funerals。 Of what was he guilty？ He was so good。 He will arise no more。 O how shall we part from thee？ What is life without thee？ Arise； if only for a brief hour。 But he rises not； he not。 At last the Yarilo was buried in a grave。
7。 Death and Revival ofVegetation
THESE Russian customs are plainly of the same nature as those which in Austria and Germany are known as Carrying out Death。 Therefore if the interpretation here adopted of the latter is right； the Russian Kostrubonko； Yarilo； and the rest must also have been originally embodiments of the spirit of vegetation； and their death must have been regarded as a necessary preliminary to their revival。 The revival as a sequel to the death is enacted in the first of the ceremonies described； the death and resurrection of Kostrubonko。 The reason why in some of these Russian ceremonies the death of the spirit of vegetation is celebrated at midsummer may be that the decline of summer is dated from Midsummer Day； after which the days begin to shorten； and the sun sets out on his downward journey：
To the darksome hollows Where the frosts of winter lie。
Such a turning…point of the year； when vegetation might be thought to share the incipient though still almost imperceptible decay of summer； might very well be chosen by primitive man as a fit moment for resorting to those magic rites by which he hopes to stay the decline； or at least to ensure the revival； of plant life。
But while the death of vegetation appears to have been represented in all； and its revival in some； of these spring and midsummer ceremonies； there are features in some of them which can hardly be explained on this hypothesis alone。 The solemn funeral； the lamentations； and the mourning attire； which often characterise these rites； are indeed appropriate at the death of the beneficent spirit of vegetation。 But what shall we say of the glee with which the effigy is often carried out； of the sticks and stones with which it is assailed； and the taunts and curses which are hurled at it？ What shall we say of the dread of the effigy evinced by the haste with which the bearers scamper home as soon as they have thrown it away； and by the belief that some one must soon die in any house into which it has looked？ This dread might perhaps be explained by a belief that there is a certain infectiousness in the dead spirit of vegetation which renders its approach dangerous。 But this explanation； besides being rather strained； does not cover the rejoicings which often attend the carrying out of Death。 We must therefore recognise two distinct and seemingly opposite features in these ceremonies： on the one hand； sorrow for the death； and affection and respect for the dead； on the other hand； fear and hatred of the dead； and rejoicings at his death。 How the former of these features is to be explained I have attempted to show： how the latter came to be so closely associated with the former is a question which I shall try to answer in the sequel。
8。 Analogous Rites in India。
IN THE KANAGRA district of India there is a custom observed by young girls in spring which closely resembles some of the European spring ceremonies just described。 It is called the Ral？ Ka mela； or fair of Ral？； the Ral？ being a small painted earthen image of Siva or Parvat？。 The custom is in vogue all over the Kanagra district； and its celebration； which is entirely confined to young girls； lasts through most of Chet （March…April） up to the Sankrant of Baisakh （April）。 On a morning in March all the young girls of the village take small baskets of d？b grass and flowers to an appointed place； where they throw them in a heap。 Round this heap they stand in a circle and sing。 This goes on every day for ten days； till the heap of grass and flowers has reached a fair height。 Then they cut in the jungle two branches； each with three prongs at one end； and place them； prongs downwards； over the heap of flowers； so as to make two tripods or pyramids。 On the single uppermost points of these branches they get an image…maker to construct two clay images； one to represent Siva； and the other Parvat？。 The girls then divide themselves into two parties； one for Siva and one for Parvat？； and marry the images in the usual way； leaving out no part of the ceremony。 After the marriage they have a feast； the cost of which is defrayed by contributions solicited from their parents。 Then at the next Sankrant （Baisakh） they all go together to the river…side； throw the images into a deep pool； and weep over the place； as though they were performing funeral obsequies。 The boys of the neighbourhood often tease them by diving after the images； bringing them up； and waving them about while the girls are crying over them。 The object of the fair is said to be to secure a good husband。
That in this Indian ceremony the deities Siva and Parvat？ are conceived as spirits of vegetation seems to be proved by the placing of their images on branches over a heap of grass and flowers。 Here； as often in Europe