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in the six years ending 1824 with 94 executions； and fewer by 93 than in
the six years ending 1818 when there was no less a number of executions
than 122。 But it may be said； perhaps； that in the inference we draw from
this return； we are substituting cause for effect； and that in each successive
cycle； the number of murders decreased in consequence of the example of
public executions in the cycle immediately preceding； and that it was for
that reason there were fewer commitments。 This might be said with
some colour of truth； if the example had been taken from two successive
cycles only。 But when the comparative examples adduced are of no less
than five successive cycles； and the result gradually and constantly
progressive in the same direction； the relation of facts to each other is
determined beyond all ground for dispute； namely； that the number of
these crimes has diminished in consequence of the diminution of the
number of executions。 More especially when it is also remembered that
it was immediately after the first of these cycles of five years； when there
had been the greatest number of executions and the greatest number of
murders； that the greatest number of persons were suddenly cast loose
upon the country； without employ； by the reduction of the Army and Navy；
that then came periods of great distress and great disturbance in the
agricultural and manufacturing districts； and above all； that it was during
the subsequent cycles that the most important mitigations were effected in
the law； and that the Punishment of Death was taken away not only for
crimes of stealth； such as cattle and horse stealing and forgery； of which
crimes corresponding statistics show likewise a corresponding decrease；
but for the crimes of violence too； tending to murder； such as are many of
the incendiary offences； and such as are highway robbery and burglary。
But another return； laid before the House at the same time； bears upon our
argument； if possible； still more conclusively。 In table 11 we have only
the years which have occurred since 1810； in which all persons convicted
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of murder suffered death； and； compared with these an equal number of
years in which the smallest proportion of persons convicted were executed。
In the first case there were 66 persons convicted； all of whom underwent
the penalty of death； in the second 83 were convicted； of whom 31 only
were executed。 Now see how these two very different methods of
dealing with the crime of murder affected the commission of it in the years
immediately following。 The number of commitments for murder； in the
four years immediately following those in which all persons convicted
were executed； was 270。
〃In the four years immediately following those in which little more
than one…third of the persons convicted were executed； there were but 222；
being 48 less。 If we compare the commitments in the following years
with those in the first years； we shall find that； immediately after the
examples of unsparing execution； the crime increased nearly 13 per cent。；
and that after commutation was the practice and capital punishment the
exception； it decreased 17 per cent。
〃In the same parliamentary return is an account of the commitments
and executions in London and Middlesex； spread over a space of 32 years；
ending in 1842； divided into two cycles of 16 years each。 In the first of
these； 34 persons were convicted of murder； all of whom were executed。
In the second； 27 were convicted； and only 17 executed。 The
commitments for murder during the latter long period； with 17 executions；
were more than one half fewer than they had been in the former long
period with exactly double the number of executions。 This appears to us
to be as conclusive upon our argument as any statistical illustration can be
upon any argument professing to place successive events in the relation of
cause and effect to each other。 How justly then is it said in that able and
useful periodical work； now in the course of publication at Glasgow； under
the name of the Magazine of Popular Information on Capital and
Secondary Punishment； 'the greater the number of executions； the greater
the number of murders； the smaller the number of executions； the smaller
the number of murders。 The lives of her Majesty's subjects are less safe
with a hundred executions a year than with fifty； less safe with fifty than
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with twenty…five。'〃
Similar results have followed from rendering public executions more
and more infrequent； in Tuscany； in Prussia； in France； in Belgium。
Wherever capital punishments are diminished in their number； there；
crimes diminish in their number too。
But the very same advocates of the punishment of Death who contend；
in the teeth of all facts and figures； that it does prevent crime； contend in
the same breath against its abolition because it does not！ 〃There are so
many bad murders；〃 say they； 〃and they follow in such quick succession；
that the Punishment must not be repealed。〃 Why； is not this a reason；
among others； for repealing it？ Does it not go to show that it is
ineffective as an example； that it fails to prevent crime； and that it is
wholly inefficient to stay that imitation； or contagion； call it what you
please； which brings one murder on the heels of another？
One forgery came crowding on another's heels in the same way； when
the same punishment attached to that crime。 Since it has been removed；
forgeries have diminished in a most remarkable degree。 Yet within five
and thirty years； Lord Eldon； with tearful solemnity； imagined in the
House of Lords as a possibility for their Lordships to shudder at； that the
time might come when some visionary and morbid person might even
propose the abolition of the punishment of Death for forgery。 And when
it was proposed； Lords Lyndhurst； Wynford； Tenterden； and Eldonall
Law Lordsopposed it。
The same Lord Tenterden manfully