按键盘上方向键 ← 或 → 可快速上下翻页，按键盘上的 Enter 键可回到本书目录页，按键盘上方向键 ↑ 可回到本页顶部！
————未阅读完？加入书签已便下次继续阅读！
not want to vote against sending help to General Taylor； and
therefore they voted for both together。 Is there any difficulty
in understanding this？ Even my little speech shows how this was；
and if you will go to the library； you may get the Journal of
1845…46； in which you will find the whole for yourself。
We have nothing published yet with special reference to the
Taylor race； but we soon will have； and then I will send them to
everybody。 I made an internal…improvement speech day before
yesterday； which I shall send home as soon as I can get it
written out and printed；and which I suppose nobody will read。
Your friend as ever；
A。 LINCOLN。
SALARY OF JUDGE IN WESTERN VIRGINIA
REMARKS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES；
JUNE 28； 1848。
Discussion as to salary of judge of western Virginia：Wishing to
increase it from 1800 to 2500。
Mr。 Lincoln said he felt unwilling to be either unjust or
ungenerous； and he wanted to understand the real case of this
judicial officer。 The gentleman from Virginia had stated that he
had to hold eleven courts。 Now everybody knew that it was not
the habit of the district judges of the United States in other
States to hold anything like that number of courts； and he
therefore took it for granted that this must happen under a
peculiar law which required that large number of courts to be
holden every year； and these laws； he further supposed； were
passed at the request of the people of that judicial district。
It came； then； to this： that the people in the western district
of Virginia had got eleven courts to be held among them in one
year； for their own accommodation； and being thus better
accommodated than neighbors elsewhere； they wanted their judge to
be a little better paid。 In Illinois there had been until the
present season but one district court held in the year。 There
were now to be two。 Could it be that the western district of
Virginia furnished more business for a judge than the whole State
of Illinois？
NATIONAL BANK
JULY； 1848；
＇FRAGMENT＇
The question of a national bank is at rest。 Were I President； I
should not urge its reagitation upon Congress； but should
Congress see fit to pass an act to establish such an institution；
I should not arrest it by the veto； unless I should consider it
subject to some constitutional objection from which I believe the
two former banks to have been free。
YOUNG v。s。 OLDPOLITICAL JEALOUSY
TO W。 H。 HERNDON。
WASHINGTON； July 10； 1848。
DEAR WILLIAM：
Your letter covering the newspaper slips was received last night。
The subject of that letter is exceedingly painful to me； and I
cannot but think there is some mistake in your impression of the
motives of the old men。 I suppose I am now one of the old men；
and I declare on my veracity； which I think is good with you；
that nothing could afford me more satisfaction than to learn that
you and others of my young friends at home were doing battle in
the contest and endearing themselves to the people and taking a
stand far above any I have ever been able to reach in their
admiration。 I cannot conceive that other men feel differently。
Of course I cannot demonstrate what I say； but I was young once；
and I am sure I was never ungenerously thrust back。 I hardly
know what to say。 The way for a young man to rise is to improve
himself every way he can； never suspecting that anybody wishes to
hinder him。 Allow me to assure you that suspicion and jealousy
never did help any man in any situation。 There may sometimes be
ungenerous attempts to keep a young man down； and they will
succeed； too； if he allows his mind to be diverted from its true
channel to brood over the attempted injury。 Cast about and see
if this feeling has not injured every person you have ever known
to fall into it。
Now； in what I have said I am sure you will suspect nothing but
sincere friendship。 I would save you from a fatal error。 You
have been a studious young man。 You are far better informed on
almost all subjects than I ever have been。 You cannot fail in
any laudable object unless you allow your mind to be improperly
directed。 I have some the advantage of you in the world's
experience； merely by being older； and it is this that induces me
to advise。 You still seem to be a little mistaken about the
Congressional Globe and Appendix。 They contain all of the
speeches that are published in any way。 My speech and Dayton's
speech which you say you got in pamphlet form are both word for
word in the Appendix。 I repeat again； all are there。
Your friend； as ever；
A。 LINCOLN。
GENERAL TAYLOR AND THE VETO
SPEECH IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES；
JULY 27； 1848。
Mr。 SPEAKER； our Democratic friends seem to be in a great
distress because they think our candidate for the Presidency
don't suit us。 Most of them cannot find out that General Taylor
has any principles at all； some； however； have discovered that he
has one； but that one is entirely wrong。 This one principle is
his position on the veto power。 The gentleman from Tennessee
＇Mr。 Stanton＇ who has just taken his seat； indeed； has said there
is very little； if any； difference on this question between
General Taylor and all the Presidents； and he seems to think it
sufficient detraction from General Taylor's position on it that
it has nothing new in it。 But all others whom I have heard speak
assail it furiously。 A new member from Kentucky ＇Mr。 Clark＇； of
very considerable ability； was in particular concerned about it。
He thought it altogether novel and unprecedented for a President
or a Presidential candidate to think of approving bills whose
constitutionality may not be entirely clear to his own mind。 He
thinks the ark of our safety is gone unless Presidents shall
always veto such bills as in their judgment may be of doubtful
constitutionality。 However clear Congress may be on their
authority to pass any particular act； the gentleman from Kentucky
thinks the President must veto it if he has doubts about it。 Now
I have neither time nor inclination to argue with the gentleman
on the veto power as an original question； but I wish to show
that General Taylor； and not he； agrees with the earlier
statesmen on this question。 When the bill chartering the first
Bank of the United States passed Congress； its constitutionality
was questioned。 Mr。 Madison； then in the House of
Representatives； as well as others； had opposed it on that
ground。 General Washington； as President； was called on to
approve or reject it。 He sought and obtained on the
constitutionality question the separate written opinions of
Jefferson； Hamilton； and Edmund Randolph；they then being
respectively Secretary of State； Secretary of the Treasury； and
Attorney general。 Hamilton's opinion was for the power； while
Randolph's and Jefferson's were bo