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the writings-2-第21章

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Attorney general。  Hamilton's opinion was for the power; while

Randolph's and Jefferson's were both against it。  Mr。 Jefferson;

after giving his opinion deciding only against the

constitutionality of the bill; closes his letter with the

paragraph which I now read:



〃It must be admitted; however; that unless the President's mind;

on a view of everything which is urged for and against this bill;

is tolerably clear that it is unauthorized by the Constitution;

if the pro and con hang so even as to balance his judgment; a

just respect for the wisdom of the legislature would naturally

decide the balance in favor of their opinion。  It is chiefly for

cases where they are clearly misled by error; ambition; or

interest; that the Constitution has placed a check in the

negative of the President。

〃THOMAS JEFFERSON。

〃February 15; 1791。〃





General Taylor's opinion; as expressed in his Allison letter; is

as I now read:



〃The power given by the veto is a high conservative power; but;

in my opinion; should never be exercised except in cases of clear

violation of the Constitution; or manifest haste and want of

consideration by Congress。〃



It is here seen that; in Mr。 Jefferson's opinion; if on the

constitutionality of any given bill the President doubts; he is

not to veto it; as the gentleman from Kentucky would have him do;

but is to defer to Congress and approve it。  And if we compare

the opinion of Jefferson and Taylor; as expressed in these

paragraphs; we shall find them more exactly alike than we can

often find any two expressions having any literal difference。

None but interested faultfinders; I think; can discover any

substantial variation。



But gentlemen on the other side are unanimously agreed that

General Taylor has no other principles。  They are in utter

darkness as to his opinions on any of the questions of policy

which occupy the public attention。  But is there any doubt as to

what he will do on the prominent questions if elected?   Not the

least。  It is not possible to know what he will or would do in

every imaginable case; because many questions have passed away;

and others doubtless will arise which none of us have yet thought

of; but on the prominent questions of currency; tariff; internal

improvements; and Wilmot Proviso; General Taylor's course is at

least as well defined as is General Cass's。  Why; in their

eagerness to get at General Taylor; several Democratic members

here have desired to know whether; in case of his election; a

bankrupt law is to be established。  Can they tell us General

Cass's opinion on this question?



'Some member answered; 〃He is against it。〃'



Aye; how do you know he is?  There is nothing about it in the

platform; nor elsewhere; that I have seen。  If the gentleman

knows of anything which I do not know he can show it。  But to

return。  General Taylor; in his Allison letter; says:



〃Upon the subject of the tariff; the currency; the improvement of

our great highways; rivers; lakes; and harbors; the will of the

people; as expressed through their representatives in Congress;

ought to be respected and carried out by the executive。〃



Now this is the whole matter。  In substance; it is this: The

people say to General Taylor; 〃If you are elected; shall we have

a national bank?〃  He answers; '' Your will; gentlemen; not mine。

''  What about the tariff?〃 〃Say yourselves。〃 〃Shall our rivers

and harbors be improved?〃 〃Just as you please。  If you desire a

bank; an alteration of the tariff; internal improvements; any or

all; I will not hinder you。  If you do not desire them; I will

not attempt to force them on you。  Send up your members of

Congress from the various districts; with opinions according to

your own; and if they are for these measures; or any of them; I

shall have nothing to oppose; if they are not for them; I shall

not; by any appliances whatever; attempt to dragoon them into

their adoption。〃



Now can there be any difficulty in understanding this?  To you

Democrats it may not seem like principle; but surely you cannot

fail to perceive the position plainly enough。  The distinction

between it and the position of your candidate is broad and

obvious; and I admit you have a clear right to show it is wrong

if you can; but you have no right to pretend you cannot see it at

all。  We see it; and to us it appears like principle; and the

best sort of principle at thatthe principle of allowing the

people to do as they please with their own business。  My friend

from Indiana (C。  B。  Smith' has aptly asked; 〃Are you willing to

trust the people?〃 Some of you answered substantially; 〃We are

willing to trust the people; but the President is as much the

representative of the people as Congress。〃 In a certain sense;

and to a certain extent; he is the representative of the people。

He is elected by them; as well as Congress is; but can he; in the

nature of things know the wants of the people as well as three

hundred other men; coming from all the various localities of the

nation?  If so; where is the propriety of having a Congress?

That the Constitution gives the President a negative on

legislation; all know; but that this negative should be so

combined with platforms and other appliances as to enable him;

and in fact almost compel him; to take the whole of legislation

into his own hands; is what we object to; is what General Taylor

objects to; and is what constitutes the broad distinction between

you and us。  To thus transfer legislation is clearly to take it

from those who understand with minuteness the interests of the

people; and give it to one who does not and cannot so well

understand it。  I understand your idea that if a Presidential

candidate avow his opinion upon a given question; or rather upon

all questions; and the people; with full knowledge of this; elect

him; they thereby distinctly approve all those opinions。  By

means of it; measures are adopted or rejected contrary to the

wishes of the whole of one party; and often nearly half of the

other。  Three; four; or half a dozen questions are prominent at a

given time; the party selects its candidate; and he takes his

position on each of these questions。  On all but one his

positions have already been indorsed at former elections; and his

party fully committed to them; but that one is new; and a large

portion of them are against it。  But what are they to do?  The

whole was strung together; and they must take all; or reject all。

They cannot take what they like; and leave the rest。  What they

are already committed to being the majority; they shut their

eyes; and gulp the whole。  Next election; still another is

introduced in the same way。  If we run our eyes along the line of

the past; we shall see that almost if not quite all the articles

of the present Democratic creed have been at first forced upon

the party in this very way。  And just now; and just so;

opposition to internal improvements is to be es
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