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cogently； and in particular no one has more earnestly dwelt on the
necessity for the latter； than the most profound thinker among
English statesmen； Edmund Burke。 Mr。 Gladstone； however； felt and
stated them with quite unusual force； and when he stated the one
side； people forgot that there was another which would be no less
vividly present to him at some other moment。 He was not only； like
all successful parliamentarians； necessarily something of an
opportunist； though perhaps less so than his master Peel； but was
moved by emotion more than most statesmen； and certainly more than
Peel。 The relative strength with which the need for comprehensive
reform or the need for watchful conservatism presented itself to his
mind depended largely upon the weight which his emotions cast into
one or the other scale； and this element made it difficult to
forecast his probable action。 Thus his political character was the
result of influences differing widely in their origininfluences；
moreover； which it was hard for ordinary observers to appreciate。
CHAPTER III： PARLIAMENTARIAN
Mr。 Gladstone sat for sixty…three years in Parliament； and for more
than twenty…six years was the leader of his party； and therefore the
central figure of English politics。 As has been said； he began as a
high Tory； remained about fifteen years in that camp； was then led
by the split between Peel and the protectionists to take up an
intermediate position； and finally was forced to cast in his lot
with the Liberals； for in England； as in America； third parties
seldom endure。 No parliamentary career in English annals is
comparable to his for its length and variety； and of those who saw
its close in the House of Commons； there was only one man； Mr。
Villiers （who died in January； 1898）； who could remember its
beginning。 He had been opposed in 1833 to men who might have been
his grandfathers； he was opposed in 1893 to men who might have been
his grandchildren。 In a sketch like this； it is impossible to
describe or comment on the events of such a life。 All that can be
done is to indicate the more salient characteristics which a study
of his career as a statesman and a parliamentarian sets before us。
The most remarkable of these characteristics is the sustained
freshness； openness； eagerness of mind； which he preserved down to
the end of his life。 Most of us； just as we make few intimate
friends； so we form few new opinions after thirty…five。
Intellectual curiosity may remain fresh and strong even after fifty；
but its range steadily narrows as one abandons the hope of attaining
any thorough knowledge of subjects other than those which make the
main business of one's life。 One cannot follow the progress of all
the new ideas that are set afloat in the world。 One cannot be
always examining the foundations of one's political or religious
beliefs。 Repeated disappointments and disillusionments make a man
expect less from changes the older he grows； and mere indolence adds
its influence in deterring us from entering upon new enterprises。
None of these causes seemed to affect Mr。 Gladstone。 He was as much
excited over a new book （such as Cardinal Manning's Life） at eighty…
six as when at fourteen he insisted on compelling little Arthur
Stanley （afterward Dean of Westminster； and then aged nine） to
procure Gray's poems； which he had just perused himself。 His
reading covered almost the whole field of literature； except
physical and mathematical science。 While frequently declaring that
he must confine his political thinking and leadership to a few
subjects； he was so observant of the movements of opinion that the
course of talk brought up scarcely any topic in which he did not
seem to know what was the latest thing that had been said or done。
Neither the lassitude nor the prejudices common in old age prevented
him from giving a fair consideration to any new doctrines。 But
though his intellect was restlessly at work； and though his eager
curiosity disposed him to relish novelties； except in theology； that
bottom rock in his mind of caution and reserve； which has already
been referred to； made him refuse to part with old views even when
he was beginning to accept new ones。 He allowed both to 〃lie on the
table〃 together； and while declaring his mind to be open to
conviction； he felt it safer to speak and act on the old lines till
the process of conviction had been completed。 It took fourteen
years； from 1846 to 1860； to carry him from the Conservative into
the Liberal camp。 It took five stormy years to bring him round to
Irish home rule； though his mind was constantly occupied with the
subject from 1880 to 1885； and those who watched him closely saw
that the process had advanced some considerable way even in 1881。
And as regards ecclesiastical establishments； having written a book
in 1838 as a warm advocate of state churches； it was not till 1867
that he adopted the policy of disestablishment for Ireland； not till
1890 that he declared himself ready to apply it in Wales and
Scotland also。
Both these qualitieshis disposition to revise his opinions in the
light of new arguments and changing conditions； and the reticence he
maintained till the process of revision had been completedexposed
him to misconstruction。 Commonplace men； unwont to give serious
scrutiny to their opinions； ascribed his changes to self…interest；
or at best regarded them as the index of an unstable mind。 Dull men
could not understand why he should have forborne to set forth all
that was passing in his mind； and saw little difference between
reticence and dishonesty。 Much of the suspicion and even fear with
which he was regarded； especially after 1885； arose from the idea
that it was impossible to predict what he would do next； and how far
his openness of mind would carry him。 In so far as they tended to
shake public confidence； these characteristics injured him in his
statesman's work； but the loss was far outweighed by the gain。 In a
country where opinion is active and changeful； where the economic
conditions that legislation has to deal with are in a state of
perpetual flux； where the balance of power between the upper and
middle and poorer classes has been swiftly altering during the last
sixty years； no statesman can continue to serve the public if he
adheres obstinately to the views with which he started in life。 He
mustunless； of course； he stands aloof in permanent opposition
either submit to advocate measures he secretly mislikes； or else
must keep himself always ready to learn from events； and to
reconsider his opinions in the light of emergent tendencies and
insistent facts。 Mr。 Gladstone's pride as well as his conscience
forbade the former alternative； it was fortunate that the
inexhaustible activity of his intellect made the latter natural to
him。 He was accustomed to say that the great mistake of his earlier
views had been in not sufficiently recognizing the worth and power
of liberty； and the tendency which things have to work out for good
when left to themselves。 The application of this principle gave
room for many developments； and many developments there we