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when left to themselves。 The application of this principle gave
room for many developments； and many developments there were。 He
may have wanted that prescience which is； after integrity； the
highest gift of a statesman； but which is almost impossible to a man
so pressed by the constant and engrossing occupations of an English
minister that he cannot find time for the patient study and thought
from which alone sound forecasts can issue。 But he had the next
best quality； that of always learning from the events which passed
under his eyes。
With this singular openness and flexibility of mind； there went a
not less remarkable ingenuity and resourcefulness。 His mind was
fertile in expedients； and still more fertile in reasonings by which
to recommend the expedients。 This gift was often dangerous； for he
was apt to be carried away by the dexterity of his own dialectic；
and to think schemes substantially good in whose support he could
muster so formidable an array of arguments。 He never seemed to be
at a loss； in public or private； for a criticism； or for an answer
to the criticisms of others。 If his power of adapting his own mind
to the minds of those whom he had to convince had been equal to the
skill and swiftness with which he accumulated a mass of matter
persuasive to those who looked at things in his own way； no one
would have exercised so complete a control over the political
opinion of his time。 But his mind had not this power of adaptation。
It moved on its own linespeculiar lines； which were often
misconceived； even by those who sought to follow him most loyally。
Thus it happened that he was blamed for two opposite faults。 Some；
pointing to the fact that he had frequently altered his views；
denounced him as a demagogue profuse of promises； ready to propose
whatever he thought likely to catch the people's ear。 Others
complained that there was no knowing where to have him； that he had
an erratic mind； whose currents ran underground and came to the
surface in unexpected places； that he did not consult his party； but
followed his own predilections； that his guidance was unsafe because
his decisions were unpredictable。 Both these views were unfair； yet
the latter came nearer to the truth than the former。 No great
popular leader had in him less of the true ring of the demagogue。
He saw； of course； that a statesman cannot oppose the popular will
beyond a certain point； and may have to humor it in order that he
may direct it。 Now and then； in his later days； he so far yielded
to his party advisers as to express his approval of proposals for
which he cared little personally。 But he was too self…absorbed； too
eagerly interested in the ideas that suited his own cast of thought；
to be able to watch and gage the tendencies of the multitude。 On
several occasions he announced a policy which startled people and
gave a new turn to the course of events。 But in none of these
instances； and certainly not in the three most remarkable；his
declarations against the Irish church establishment in 1868； against
the Turks and the traditional English policy of supporting them in
1876； and in favor of Irish home rule in 1886；did any popular
demand suggest his pronouncement。 It was the masses who took their
view from him； not he who took his mandate from the masses。 In all
of these instances he was at the time in opposition； and was accused
of having made this new departure for the sake of recovering power。
In the two former he prevailed； and was ultimately admitted； by his
more candid adversaries； to have counseled wisely。 In all of them
he may； perhaps； be censured for not having sooner perceived； or at
any rate for not having sooner announced； the need for reform。 But
it was very characteristic of him not to give the full strength of
his mind to a question till he felt that it pressed for a solution。
Those who discussed politics with him were scarcely more struck by
the range of his vision and his power of correlating principles and
details than by his unwillingness to commit himself on matters whose
decision he could postpone。 Reticence and caution were sometimes
carried too far； not merely because they exposed him to
misconstruction； but because they withheld from his party the
guidance it needed。 This was true in all the three instances just
mentioned； and in the last of them his reticence probably
contributed to the separation from him of some of his former
colleagues。 Nor did he always rightly divine the popular mind。
Absorbed in his own financial views； he omitted to note the change
that had been in progress between 1862 and 1874； and thus his
proposal in the latter year to extinguish the income tax fell
completely flat。 He often failed to perceive how much the credit of
his party was suffering from the belief； quite groundless so far as
he personally was concerned； that his government was indifferent to
what are called Imperial interests； the interests of England outside
England。 But he always thought for himself； and never stooped to
flatter the prejudices or inflame the passions of any class in the
community。
Though the power of reading the signs of the times and moving the
mind of the nation as a whole may be now more essential to an
English statesman than the skill which manages a legislature or
holds together a cabinet； that skill counts for much； and must
continue to do so while the House of Commons remains the supreme
governing authority of the country。 A man can hardly reach high
place； and certainly cannot retain high place； without possessing
this kind of art。 Mr。 Gladstone was at one time thought to want it。
In 1864； when Lord Palmerston's end was evidently near and Mr。
Gladstone had shown himself the most brilliant and capable man among
the Liberal ministers in the House of Common's； people speculated
about the succession to the headship of the party； and the wiseacres
of the day were never tired of repeating that Mr。 Gladstone could
not possibly lead the House of Commons。 He wanted tact （they said）；
he was too excitable； too impulsive； too much absorbed in his own
ideas； too unversed in the arts by which individuals are
conciliated。 But when； after twenty…five years of his unquestioned
reign； the time for his own departure drew nigh； men asked how the
Liberal party in the House of Commons would ever hold together after
it had lost a leader of such consummate capacity。 Seldom has a
prediction been more utterly falsified than that of the Whig critics
of 1864。 They had grown so accustomed to Palmerston's way of
handling the House as to forget that a man might succeed by quite
different methods。 And they forgot also that a man may have many
defects and yet in spite of them be incomparably the fittest for a
great place。
Mr。 Gladstone had the defects that were ascribed to him。 His
impulsiveness sometimes betrayed him into declarations which a
cooler man would have abstained from。 The second reading of the
Irish Home…Rule Bill of 1886 would probably have been carried had he
not been goaded by his opponents into words which seemed to recall
or modify the concessions he had announced at a meeting o